Tuesday, February 26, 2008
Demitris christofias
Sunday, February 24, 2008
Venezuela Table of Contents
Venezuela Table of Contents
Mining
Venezuela entered the 1990s poised to become a leading international producer of coal, iron, steel, aluminum, gold, and other minerals. In the late 1980s, the industry employed less than 1 percent of the labor force, accounted for less than 1 percent of GDP, and contributed 13 percent of exports. These figures were likely to increase, however, as expanded capacity became operational in the 1990s.
The state historically played a prominent role in mineral policy and production. Beginning in the 1970s, the government obtained or established scores of mining enterprises in its pursuit of heavy industrial development. By the 1980s, however, the huge debts incurred by these ventures contributed to the government's decisions to reconsider restrictive foreign investment policies and to liberalize mining laws in an effort to expand private-sector participation in mining. The CVG, the country's most prominent regional development corporation and the major player in mining, increasingly entered into joint ventures with foreign companies by the 1990s, when for the first time the CVG agreed to accept a minority share in some ventures. In addition to its role as planner and coordinator of most of the country's mining, the CVG was one of Latin America's largest industrial groups, with 30 subsidiaries and 41,000 workers in 1989. According to government sources, the CVG and its affiliates accrued US$1.3 billion in profits from 1985 to 1989 and generated US$3.3 billion in foreign exchange.
The bauxite and aluminum industry, traditionally smaller in size than iron and steel, installed significant new capacity in both mining and processing during the 1980s. As a result, aluminum became the country's second leading foreign exchange earner. By 1990 Venezuela boasted the largest installed capacity in aluminum in all of Latin America. Moreover, the country was believed to be world's most economical producer of aluminum because of its vast high-quality bauxite reserves, its abundant and cheap energy, and its well-developed infrastructure. Proven bauxite reserves stood at 500 million tons in 1990, with probable reserves as high as 5 billion tons. Overall, the country's smelters, including as many as 1,500 small foundries, produced approximately 443,000 tons of primary aluminum in 1988. About 60 percent of production, or nearly US$1 billion by value, was exported.
Commercial bauxite production, begun in 1987, reached 1 million tons in 1988 and was expected to reach 4.5 million tons in 1991. Much of the bauxite of Bauxita de Venezuela (Bauxiven; wholly owned by CVG) was processed at the Interamericana de Alْmina (Interalumina) plant in Puerto Ordaz. Opened in 1983, Interalumina produced 1.3 million tons of aluminum in 1988 from its plant's annual capacity of 2 million tons. Jointly owned by the CVG and a Swiss company, Alusuisse, Interalumina also controlled 50 percent of the Belgian Aleurope Aluminum Company, 40 percent of the Costa Rican firm Alunasa, and 20 percent of the United States company Wells Aluminum, thus providing it with worldwide marketing outlets.
Alcasa, the country's first aluminum processing plant, contained plants in Ciudad Guayana and Guacara in Carabobo by the 1980s. Alcasa's installed capacity, on the rise throughout the 1980s, was intended primarily for specialized overseas aluminum markets. In 1990 Alcasa had a 120,000-ton annual capacity for manufacturing primary aluminum. Alcasa's expansion plans for the 1990s foresaw a more than doubling of that capacity to as much as 300,000 tons per annum.
The country's other major smelter, the Industria Venezolana de Aluminio C.A. (Venalum), was also undergoing rapid growth in capacity. Although the CVG enjoyed majority ownership of Venalum, a consortium of Japanese industrial interests held a considerable minority stake.
The iron and steel industries represented the core of the mining sector before aluminum's rapid growth in the 1980s. Large- scale commercial mining of iron ore in Venezuela began in the early 1950s, when the Pérez Jiménez regime granted iron ore concessions to two United States steel companies, Bethlehem Steel and the United States Steel Corporation. Huge iron reserves, located near exploitable hydroelectric resources, combined with a growing national demand for steel to set the stage for the creation of a steel mill in 1955 near the confluence of the Orinoco and Caronي rivers. With the creation of the CVG in 1960, the state gained a greater role in the country's only major steel plant, which at that time produced mainly seamless pipes for the oil industry. One of the landmarks of the government's expanding role in the economy during the 1970s was the nationalization of the Orinoco Steelworks (Siderْrgica del Orinoco--Sidor) steel mill on January 1, 1975. Funding from the Venezuelan Investment Fund (Fondo de Juversiones de Venezuela--FIV) made possible a smooth settlement with the American steel companies.
The nationalized steel industry set ambitious goals for itself, goals it ultimately failed to meet. Slower internal growth dampened local demand, and the proliferation of new steel mills in other developing nations by the late 1970s reduced international demand. As a result, plans to build two new steel complexes were postponed indefinitely by the late 1980s.
After years of delays, technical bottlenecks, and government mismanagement, Sidor's expansion made the country self-sufficient in steel by 1982. By 1985 steel exports exceeded steel imports five-fold. High initial capital investment, however, made the Venezuelan industry unprofitable, and Sidor accrued a huge debt estimated at US$5 billion to US$10 billion, a substantial portion of Venezuela's debt burden in the early 1980s. Not until 1986 did Sidor show its first profit, US$70 million, but this fell to US$26 million in 1987. In 1990 the government reportedly was considering privatizing Sidor.
Foreign competition for exports remained the major challenge to Venezuela's steel industry in the early 1990s, as steel production continued to increase, rising from 2.7 million tons in 1985 to 3.6 million tons in 1988, and internal demand remained static. Complaints about the dumping of subsidized Venezuelan steel at below-average prices impaired greater market penetration in the 1980s. The government provided subsidies to the Sidor plant, mainly through special foreign exchange rates that allowed the company to purchase imported inputs at a low rate and to pay off its debts at a high rate. In 1982 the United States Department of Commerce accused Sidor of selling its steel in the United States at a 40 percent discount. This complaint led to a 1985 Voluntary Restraint Agreement (VRA) with the United States, which set a maximum export limit of 183,000 tons of steel a year. The two governments reestablished the VRA in 1989 at 280,000 tons a year, two-thirds of which were finished steel products. Venezuela also signed a VRA with the European Economic Community in 1987 after similar dumping allegations were made.
Although the state dominated the industry, some private steel milling went on in 1990. Sivensa, the country's only private steel mill, was generally profitable. In addition, the CVG operated as a minority shareholder in a steel plant called Metalmeg, which manufactured carbon steel products for the petroleum industry. In the late 1980s, the Kobe Steel Company of Japan also converted its Minorca iron briquette plant into a direct reduction steel mill, further expanding steel production capacity.
The basis of the country's controversial steel industry was its enormous iron ore reserves. As of 1990, the government estimates of iron reserves for the state of Guayana were 2.8 billion tons of high-grade ore (80 percent iron). The CVG iron subsidiary, Ferrominera, controlled iron ore mining at numerous mines, most notably El Cerro Bolيvar (southwest of Ciudad Guayana), El Pao (south of Ciudad Guayana), and San Isidro. Ferrominera's total installed annual capacity was 20 million tons in 1990. Iron production fell sharply after its peak year of 1974, but was on the rise again by the late 1980s. Iron ore production was 18.9 million tons in 1988. Ferrominera's completion of a floating transportation complex on the Orinoco in the late 1980s facilitated the industry's use of large shipping vessels, thus increasing exports and lowering costs. Exports of iron ore reached 11.7 million tons in 1987, with the United States, Europe, and Japan the leading purchasers.
Coal production also expanded rapidly during the 1980s. As with iron and bauxite, the country enjoyed large reserves of highly pure coal. The state of Zulia alone, for example, contained 900 million tons of proven coal deposits, with probable reserves as high as 2 billion tons. This made Zulia the largest underdeveloped coal field in the Americas. Besides Zulia's coal deposits, the country also possessed significant coking coal to fuel the newer steel mills, coal for thermal electricity generation, and various deposits of clean-burning "hard coal." Most coal deposits were found in the west near the border with Colombia or in the Orinoco Basin.
Three major coal mines accounted for most coal output in the late 1980s. Although not yet fully operational in 1990, the Carbones de Zulia (Carbozulia) mine was already the nation's largest. PDVSA owned roughly half of Carbozulia; a consortium of United States, Italian, and private Venezuelan companies accounted for the balance. The mine produced 822,000 tons of coal in 1988, and plans called for 6.5 million tons-per-year capacity by the mid-1990s. By contrast, the entire country produced only 62,000 tons in 1987. The United States, Italy, and Spain represented the major markets for Carbozulia's coal. The second major mine was the Minas Carbَn at Lobatera in Tلchira near the Colombian border, with reserves estimated at as much as 60 million tons. The third-leading producer, in Naricual in Anzoلtegui, boasted reserves of approximately 50 million tons. In addition to these operational mines, Venezuela had several other key coal zones that remained untapped in the 1980s.
Gold, known to exist since colonial times, did not become a major commercial endeavor until the 1980s. Miners long ignored the country's gold wealth because of its oil. Furthermore, the gold deposits were found mainly in the remote border regions with Brazil and Guyana. The government, however, increasingly prized its gold reserves, which stood at 11.5 million troy ounces in 1990, or roughly 12 percent of world reserves. Gold existed in Venezuela as an ore with quartz and in alluvial deposits found naturally with diamonds. The government acquired the El Callao gold mine in the state of Bolيvar in 1974 to better regulate gold prospecting and sales. The state succeeded in raising official gold production threefold from 1984 to 1989, pushing exports to over US$300 million a year. This made gold the second leading nontraditional export. Unofficial production, however, remained as high as 70 percent of total output.
After a decade of closely controlling private gold interests, the state opened up gold prospecting to foreign interests in the 1980s. In 1986 the CVG, in a joint partnership with a Bermuda- based company, formed Monarch Resources Limited to mine gold in the El Callao region. Private Venezuelan entrepreneurs also exploited the nation's gold reserves.
Venezuela also possessed varying amounts of other metals and minerals. For example, the country was a major producer of industrial diamonds, although diamond output fell steadily throughout the 1980s. The country also contained deposits of copper, nickel, zinc, lead, uranium, titanium, palladium, silicon, manganese, and chrome. Quarrying for industrial minerals such as feldspar, gypsum, hydrated lime, salt, nitrogen, phosphate rocks, gravel, barite, pyrophyllite, asbestos, bentonite, and magnesite was also common
The 9.9% drop is one of the biggest in Venezuela's history and partly reflects a fall in its oil revenues, which have been hit by cutbacks and protesting oil workers.
This year, the country has witnessed one attempted coup, lived through spiralling inflation and a deep devaluation of the bolivar against the dollar.
Venezuela's commerce minister Ramon Rosales warned against expecting a speedy recovery. "We must set rational expectations and not expect a second-half recovery to completely wipe out these declines," he said.
President Hugo Chavez has tried to bring in reformsThe government has brought in reforms to boost the economy but their effects have yet to be felt and some analysts believe it should seek an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) first.
Many Venezuelans are running out of patience with President Hugo Chavez's handling of the economy, particularly his interference with PDVSA, the state oil company.
Since the attempted uprising in April, there have been frequent street protests and fear remains there will be further upheaval.
Reliance on oil
Sales of crude oil and oil products accounts for 80% of Venezuela's exports. In the second quarter, the petroleum sector of the economy fell 16.7%.
"In the area of petroleum, the production of crude oil has been affected by the nation's agreement on cutbacks within OPEC ( the oil cartel)" the central bank said in a statement.
"The production of refined products was influenced by less external demand," it added.
Oscar Garcia Mendoza, president of the Banco Venezolano de Credit said the economy had been hurt by "monstrous devaluation, lack of investment and deflation."
"The political aspect is fundamental to these results," he said.
ALROSA MAKES THE CUT
Russian diamond cutters face shutdown of operations or domestic supplies if VAT tax waiver is abolished on January 1.Author: John HelmerPosted: Tuesday , 13 Nov 2007
MOSCOW -
Alrosa, Russia's dominant supplier of rough, has sent a notice to domestic diamond cutters, warning that from January 1, it will add 18% value-added tax (VAT) to its rough diamond pricing. The diamond cutters have told Mineweb that, while they understand the move as a cost-cutting expedient for Alrosa, the impact will be ruinous for the low-margin manufacturers. They have asked Alrosa to reconsider, and delay the move for another twelve months, in order to allow time for the government to be persuaded to send a zero-tax amendment to tax legislation for enactment by parliament.
There is suspicion that Alrosa's move is aimed at reducing the presence in Russia of foreign cutting enterprises, and boosting Alrosa's cutting plants at their expense. At present, Alrosa reports that its own polished sales amount to about $160 million per annum. This trails well behind sector leader, Smolensk Kristall, which is state owned, and reports sales of $358 million in 2006; and Ruis Diamonds, which is controlled by Lev Leviev, and sells over $300 million in polished. According to one of Moscow's leading cutters, "I wouldn't say that Alrosa is making this move intentionally to destroy the remainder of the Russian cutting industry, but this [VAT] decision would be a catastrophe."
The present Russian tax regulations allow VAT to be recovered from the state treasury that is paid on diamonds which are exported; though the time required for claims processing and reimbursement may be as long as nine months. Alrosa has opted until now to waive the VAT chargeable on its domestic sales, and thus, it has foregone the value it could claim back from the treasury. This is estimated at about 2.4 billion rubles (around $100 million), annually.
In current accounting, this uncollected VAT is treated in Alrosa's accounts as a cost of sales. An anonymous statement from Alrosa, released to a local wire service, said that the firming of the rouble has been raising Alrosa's domestic costs against the dollar value fetched by the company's rough diamond sales.
"In evaluating the impact of this decision on the cutting industry," Alrosa said, "we have to look at two fundamental factors. Al most all of the diamonds cut in Russia are then exported. It is profitable to cut large diamonds in Russia as demand for them in our country is minimal. So the VAT paid should be reimbursed out of the budget. Secondly, the vast majority of the so-called domestic cutting enterprises are owned by foreigners. Obviously once the decision takes effect the cutting enterprises will need additional working capital, namely for about six to eight months from the payment of VAT to its reimbursement from the budget. Since most cutting enterprises belong to non-residents they all get working capital from foreign banks at 4% - 5%. So, the additional costs resulting from the decision will be about 400 million rubles [$16 million] for all cutting enterprises in Russia."
Unstated is the relatively higher Russian bank interest charge for such credits to Russian manufacturers, and also for Alrosa, which reports that it currently operates six Yakutia-based and Moscow-based cutting plants. Company reports indicate that in 2006, polished sales amounted to $141.1 million. This was down 1.8% compared to 2005, but up 7.8% compared to the 2004 result. Alrosa's annual report for 2006 explained the downturn as due to "the lower currency efficiency coefficient" - read falling dollar to rouble - and also due to the dwindling of sales through a joint polishing venture with Lazare Kaplan International, a New York firm. In 2007, Alrosa says it expects to sell $159.7 million in polished.
In a speech at the Antwerrp Diamond conference last month, Alrosa chief executive Sergei Vybornov singled out one of Alrosa's polishing affiliates, Diamond World, claiming its profitability "amounts to 2.06% of their full cost price. This is less than the interest rate in Russian banks and far below the annual inflation rate. This is typical for Russian diamond processing factories. " Vybornov went on to call for the elimination of large numbers of cutting and dealing intermediaries. "The diamond's way from the mine to the jewelry store should be shortened to the maximum extent possible. We believe the ideal structure would be direct sales of rough diamonds to established globally jewelry brands."
Nikolay Zhuravlev, spokesman for Kristall Smolensk, told Mineweb that "the introduction of VAT would cost us 1-2% from revenues [$7 million]. Of course, we are very negative to such decision, as the cutting business is low margin itself, and any new expenses are a problem. So far as I know, the final decision was not made yet, and several options are still under discussion. We hope that VAT will not be introduced."
Ararat Evoyan, head of the Russian Diamond Manufacturers Association, told Mineweb his membership is hostile. "This move will bring the cutting business to loss-making. The world cutting industry is low- profit. The main reason is that De Beers and Alrosa and other producers monitor very carefully the price of cut diamonds, and they change the price of rough stones accordingly. All profits go to the rough producers." He conceded that Alrosa is within its legal right to end its tax waiver, and reintroduce VAT to its supply prices. He was skeptical that the government will agree to amend the current tax law to allow zero-rate VAT for diamond cutters. "The problem with the zero-rate is that it applies only to priority goods and the defense industry."
Evoyan said that the manufacturers association has proposed a further one-year tax waiver from Alrosa, to allow time to work out a tax code change.
Valeriy Morozov, director of Ruis and spokesman for Leviev's diamond interests in Moscow, told Mineweb "this is currently a vital question for everybody. Cutters are really hoping that VAT will not be introduced and Alrosa will withdraw its intention. This problem is familiar to everyone - Ministry of Finance, the Diamond Chamber, and others. When Alrosa had higher profits, it could disregard the [domestic VAT] losses, but now, when profit will decline due to various objective and subjective reasons, it can't."
Morozov said the practical implication for Russian cutting operations is that, with 18% VAT added to Alrosa's prices, the domestic cutters will not pay. "There are two outcomes for the cutters who will stop buying stones in Russia: to close their enterprises completely, or to buy Alrosa's stones in Belgium, Hong Kong and other markets."
Morozov said that the VAT waiver had originally been introduced a decade ago as a form of super-profits tax for Alrosa. The new VAT move will be a test of Alrosa's clout with federal financed officials. Either Alrosa is deterred by the federal government from reinstating the charge, Morozov said, or else the federal government will agree to amend the tax legislation, in order to grant zero-rate status to production of rough.
In 2006, Alrosa's sales to the domestic Russian market rose 3.6% to Rb44 billion ($1.6 billion), comprising just under half of total sales. Export revenues for sales to Western Europe, including the major markets of Antwerp and De Beers, dropped 5% to Rb26.9 billion; while sales to other markets, including Israel, fell more sharply to Rb23.4 billion, a decline of 10.1% compared to 2005.
SACP STATEMENT ON THE RESIGNATION OF CDE FIDEL CASTRO
SACP STATEMENT ON THE RESIGNATION OF CDE FIDEL CASTRO .
The SACP has received the news that Cde Fidel Castro will not be available for the next term of office as President of Cuba and Chief Commander of the Cuban Armed Forrces.
We wish to take this opportunity to congratulate Cde Fidel Castro for having been an exemplary revolutionary who led one of the most the inspiring revolutions in the 20th century against the dictatorship of Batista. Furthermore Cde Fidel and the Cuban people in general led a feisty battle to defend the revolution against the nearly fifty years of aggression from US imperialism through amongst other, hundreds of attempted assassination by the US government and the criminal blockade against Cuba .
The Cuban revolution has been successful and achieved a lot for the Cuban people. This is the revolution that has attained free education for the Cuban people, free access to health care and ensured that no Cuban goes to bed hungry.
The SACP also wishes to salute Cde Fidel Castro for his exceptional example in internationalism. The Cuban people sacrificed their lives struggling in the trenches with many liberation combatants in many parts of the developing world. Cuba , under the leadership of Fidel, also continued with this internationalism primarily through the services offered by many Cuban health and other professionals working in the poorest sections society in many developing countries.
It would therefore be proper that as we celebrate the 30th anniversary of the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in Angola – a battle that laid the basis for the liberation of Namibia and our own country – we also celebrate the life, contributions and internationalism of this great revolutionary!
Cde Fidel Castro led a revolution that still provides proof and an inspiration that there is indeed an alternative to the barbarism of capitalism and that, that alternative is socialism.
We are proud that in honour of Cde Fidel and the Cuban people, the SACP, at its 12th Congress in 2007, conferred upon this hero our highest honour, the Chris Hani Peace Award for his contribution to a just, equitable and caring world order.
The SACP remains confident that the Cuban revolution has produced enough leaders of Fidel’s calibre and that the Cuban revolution remains in safe hands.
Like we said to our Nelson Mandela on his retirement, Cde Fidel ’s retirement is well-earned and well-deserved. We wish him all the best!
Issued by the SACP.
الثورة الكوبية قد حققت نجاحا وحققت الكثير ايضا للشعب الكوبي. هذه هي الثورة التي وفرت مجانيه التعليم للشعب الكوبي ، ووفرت الحصول على الرعايه الصحية واكدت ان ليس هناك فى كوبا من يصل الى فراشة جائعا . . ان الحزب الشيوعى فى جنوب افريقيا يحيي كاسترو كمثال استثنائى فى النضال ويحى االكوبين الذين ضحوا بأرواحهم في الخنادق مع العديد من المقاتلين الاخرين فى اجزاء عديدة من العالم النامي لتحرير هذة البلاد. .كما واصلت كوبا نضالها من خلال توفير الخدمات الصحية للكوبين وفرت ايضا لغيرهم من المهنيين العاملين بين افقر قطاعات المجتمع فى بعض الدول النامية . ولذلك سيكون من المناسب ان نحتفل بالذكرى السنويه الثلاثين لمعركة في انغولا معركة التي ارست الاساس لتحرير ناميبيا وبلدنا نحن نحتفل ايضا في الحياة ، والاسهامات العظيمة هذه الامميه الثوريه فيدل كاسترو قاد الثورة التي لا تزال تعطينا دليلا والهاما ان هناك في الواقع بديلا للهمجيه الراسماليه ، "هو ان الاشتراكيه هى البديل". ونحن فخورون بأن الحزب الشيوعى فى جنوب افريقيا كرم فيدل وكرم الشعب الكوبي فى الكونغرس الثاني عشر 2007 ، . ويؤكد الحزب الشيوعى انة لا يزال واثقا من أن الثورة الكوبية قد انجتت ما يكفي من القادة، وان الثورة الكوبية لا تزال في أيد أمينة. كما قلنا لدينا نيلسون مانديلا رغم تقاعده ،فيدل التقاعد هو جيد وكسبت عن جدارة.
Saturday, February 23, 2008
electricity workers Protests and the tension within the ranks of university professors
social movement yesterday
included labours of the chemicals sector , the electricity sector workers, movements of people , the marginalized classes, , the movements of jurists, and also variety of demands and power, where the move yesterday and some workers in the electricity sector, where workers protested the holding company for the electricity front of the headquarters of the company in Bab al loq demanding guarantees social insurance and demanded their shares ; on the other hand incentives and fund company In al sawais and has been moved a number of workers a company trast of chemicals in places far from their fellow workers, following repeated protest movements In Hurghada number of tenants threatened strike action shops, food, in the event of expulsion from their shops, where the local administration who have been threatened with eviction. This situation reminds us of situations that threatened the local departments of government in Egypt owners of the shops and Bazars In Luxor , as what happened in Suez -fish merchants and traders- before the Government expressed its desire to withdrawl their shops to Cairo governorate and end their rent contracts. On the other hand, continued movement of university professors that March 9 movement called to the use of picketing and strike mechanisms for the implementation of their demands for freedoms, and providing humanitarian standard with regard to salary and other demands. Demonstrated today a large number of Nasserists and nationalists at the tomb of late President Abdel-Nasser
تنوعت الحركة الاجتماعية بالامس حيث شملت العمال بقطاع الكيمايات ، وعمال قطاع الكهرباء، وتحركات اهالى ومهمشين ، وتحركات لمهنين ، وتنوعت ايضا فى مطالبها وقوتها ، حيث تحرك بالامس بعض العمال فى قطاع الكهرباء حيث تظاهر عمال الشركة القابضة للكهرباء امام مقر الشركة الرئيسى بباب اللوق مطالبين بضمانات اجتماعية وتامينية وطالب بصرف نصيبهم من الحوافز وصندوق الشركة و وفى السويس تم نقل عدد من العمال بشركة تراست للكيماويات فى اماكن بعيدة عن العمال زملائهم، على اثر تحركاتهم الاحتجاجية المتكررة
وفى الغردقة هدد عدد من مستاجرى المحلات بالاضراب عن العمل والطعام ،فى حال طردهم من محلاتهم حيث وجهت لهم الادارة المحلية تهديدات بالطرد . وهذا الموقف يذكرنا بحالات عديدة هددت فيها الادارات المحلية للحكم فى مصر اصحاب المحلات والبازرات ، ففى الاقصر هدد تجارها وقاموا باضراب نتاج نقلهم من امكانهم ، وكذلك فعل تجار الاسماك فى السويس ومن قبلهم قام تجار العبور بالاعتصام تجاة رغبة الحكومة ومحافظة القاهرة فى سحب المحلات المستاجرة لهم منهم وزيادة ايجارات محلات البعض .
ومن جانب اخر استمرت حركة استاذة الجامعة ،ودعت 9 مارس الى استخدام اليات الاعتصام والاضراب لتنفيذ مطالبهم المتعلقة بالحريات ،وتوفير مستوى انسانى فيما يخص الرواتب، وغيرها من المطالب .
وتظاهر اليوم عدد كبير من الناصرين والقوميين حول ضريح الرئيس الراحل عبد الناصر
Thursday, February 21, 2008
Prosecution of women kubsh and Ram attack today on women Kafr Height
Monday, February 18, 2008
The global solidarity to Guevara
Guevara
Was in 2005 years, which escalated the crisis with Egyptian farmers practiced against many forms of oppression in the cost of agricultural production and accumulation of debt and also faced procedures of the most violent - extract agricultural land acquired by farmers from the land reform. حيث شهدت قرية سرا ندو أحداث عنف ضد الفلاحين من قبل عائلة نوار ، تزامن مع تواطئ الدولة واجهزتها البولسية وهئية الإصلاح الزراعي لتجريد الفلاحين من بضع قراريط بسيطة يتعايشون منها . Witnessed the village secretly Lendu violence against peasants by the family Noire, coincided with the complicity of the state and its organs and body Albolcih Agrarian Reform to strip farmers of a few simple circular living them. انحازت الدولة مستخدمة أقسام البوليس وجحافل الأمن المركزي والقوات الخاصة والتعذيب باشكالة ضد الفقراء من مالكي أراضى الإصلاح الزراعي للانتزاع الاراضى منهم لتذهب الى فلول الإقطاع العائد State aligned using sections Hordes of police and central security and special forces and forms of torture against the poor owners of the land for agrarian reform to extract from them to go to the remnants of feudalism return استشهدت نفسية المراكبى فى قرية سراندو لا لشى ألا لتمسكها بأرضها Citing psychological Boatman in the village Srando not only for its adherence to sleep tied ويتكرر نفس الأمر فى دكرنس حيث تم تحدد يوم 8/3/2007 القادم موعدا لتنفيذ أحكام بالطرد ضد عدد من الفلاحين الحائزين والمالكين لعدد 4 قطع من أراضى الإصلاح الزراعي الموزعة بزمام ناحية مدينة دكرنس وترجع خلفية تلك الإحداث بصدور قانون إلغاء الحراسة على من قد طبقت عليهم من كبار الاقطاعين بعد ثورة يوليو 1952 وبصدور قانون إلغاء الحراسة عام 1974 بدا ورثة الاقطاعين فى إقامة دعاوى قضائية ضد هئية الإصلاح الزراعى بصفتها الجهة التى قامت بتوزيع الاراضى على الفلاحين دون اختصام هؤلاء الفلاحين – الذين كانو خلال اربعين عام يقومون بسداد أقساط تمليك الاراضى التي وزعت عليهم – وقامو بسداد أقساط تمليك الاراضى التي وزعت عليهم . The same thing is repeated in the Address has been set 8/3/2007 next date for the implementation of the provisions of expulsion against a number of peasants holders and owners of the number 4 pieces of land agrarian reform distributed hand the reins of the City Address and the background of those events due issuance of the law on the abolition of the guard have been applied to them senior Alaktain after the revolution in July 1952 and the issuance guard Abolition Act 1974 and began to establish Alaktain heirs filed lawsuits against the body as the agrarian reform, which distributed land to peasants without adversarial these farmers - who Kano during the forty year who pay premiums ownership of land that have been distributed -- and lose pay premiums ownership of land that have been distributed. ولقد صدر لصالح ورثة زينب محمود الاترابى والتي كانت تمتلك 254 فدان حكمان من النيابة الإدارية العليا هما 2357 لسنة 46 -2331 تضمن كل حكمك حقها فى استعادة خمسون فدانا We have issued on behalf of the heirs Zeinab Mahmoud Alaturabi, which owns 254 acres two of the Supreme Administrative Prosecutor's Office for the year 2357 were 46 -2331 included all the right judgement in the restoration of fifty acres وقد قام الملاك السابقون بمساعدة الأمن المركزي ا لتنفيذ على مساحة 7 أفدنة فى 21 /5/2006 بالقوة الجبرية مما ترتب عنة اشتباكات عنيفة بين الأمن والفلاحين أدت إلى اعتقالات للفلاحين واحتجازالنشطين والاعلامين الذين تواجد يوم تنفيذ الحكم بسلب الاراضى من الفلاحين ودارت معركة امتدت من الصباح الى الساعة الثانية عشر كان إبطالها جنود الأمن المركزي وقوات مكافحة الشغب والقوات الخاصة و البلطجية من اتباع عائلة الاتربى حيث تواجدت بالقرية فى هذا اليوم اكثر من 40 عربة امن مركزي ناهيك عن ضباط المباحث وعربات الشرطة "25" بوكس ليبدو وكأنك أمام مشهد لتحرير ارض محتلة او صد هجوم ضد مستعمر ! The former owners help of a central security for the implementation on an area 7 21 5 2006 forcibly resulting in violent clashes between security and the peasants led to the arrests of the farmers who Ahtjasalnctin credibility and presence on the implementation of government to extort land from peasants and place battle lasted from morning to twelve o'clock was avoided soldiers Central Security forces and riot control and special forces and thugs from a family where Al existed in this village today, more than 40 vehicles let alone the central security officers and police vehicles INVESTIGATION "25" Books seems as if the scene to liberate occupied land or repel attack against the settlers! فى الواقع كانت تلك الجحافل لسلب الاراضى من الفلاحين ولم يترك النشطين السياسيين والصحفيين حتى المراسلين الأجانب , حيث قامت قوات الأمن بسحل الصحفيين وانتزاع الكاميرات منهم واختطافهم ورميهم في عربات الشرطة , وألقت أكثر من 50 قنبلة مسيلة للدموع بقيادة اللواء أحمد سالم مدير المباحث الجنائية بالإضافة إلي مأمور مركز دكرنس وعشرات من الضباط بمختلف الرتب , مما ادى الى إصابة العشرات ولم تسمح قوات الأمن بنقلهم بالإسعاف إلي مستشفي دكرنس العام! In fact they Legions of dispossession of land from farmers are not left political activists and journalists even foreign correspondents, where security forces mob of journalists and cameras extract them, kidnapped and thrown in police vans, and delivered more than 50 tear-gas bomb led by General Ahmed Salim Director of Criminal Investigations in addition to the warden Centre Address and dozens of officers in various ranks, which led to the injury of scores did not allow security forces moved ambulance to the hospital Address year! وحولت المجني عليهم إلي متهمين بالتجمهر ومقاومة السلطات والبلطجة وتم تحرير محض ربرقم 6968 لسنة 2006 جنح دكرنس والذى قررت فية النيابة اخلاء سبيال المتهمين بعد حبسهم احتياطيا أربعة أيام على ذمة التحقيق The victims turned to the accused crowds and resisting the authorities and hooliganism and liberated purely Rbno. 6968 2006 cover of Address, in which it decided to evacuate Speal prosecutors accused remanded in custody for trial after four days of the investigation تحكى إحدى الفلاحات الاعتداءات التي تعرضت لها فتقول " كان ذنبي اننى بدافع عن ارض زوجى محمد محمد مسعود ... فدان مفيش غيرة بنزرعة ومن محصولة بنعيش انا وعيالى ... عيلة البدراوى .... تبكى ... الارض دى ملكنا ومش ممكن نسيبها - نزلو العساكر فينا ضرب والبلطجية ... صرخت بعلو صوتى حرام عليكم يا ظلمة دة رزقنا ورزق عيالنا هنروح من غير الارض فين Telling a peasant attacks against says, "I Shook was on the ground may be motivated by Muhammad Muhammad Masood acres ... is no other Bnzerah harvest Benaic Anna and children ... Friends .... Badrawi crying ... the land belongs to de coverage possible Nsebha -- Winslow soldiers and thugs beating us ... I shouted graduates join haram oppressed you, and this is our livelihood Aina Henrouh livelihood of land-Fein هذة شهادة ماجدة وهى تحكى مشهد مما حدث من بلطجة من كبار الملاك والامن فى دكرنس باسم القانون الذى يستخدم لخدمة كبار الملاك او كبار رجال الاعمال لحمايتهم وتضخيم ثراوتهم . This certificate Magda It tells the story of what happened scenery centers senior staffing and security in Damietta on behalf of the law is used to serve the owners or senior business leaders to protect them and inflate Therautem. تلك حالة من عشرات الحالات المتشابهة لسلب الاراضى وماجدة حالة من حالات تعرضت للتعذيب لا لشى سوى انها تدافع عن ارضها وحقها فى لقمة العيش ، فى أراضى دفعو ثمنها على أقساط لمدة 40 عام ولكن عاد الإقطاع لينتزعها ويسلب هؤلاء الفقراء كل شي That the situation of dozens of similar cases of looting land and Magda cases of torture were not only sleep they defend their land and their right to their living in the territory Dfo the price premiums for 40 year, but returned to Intzaaha feudalism and take away all these poor Shi وقد قام الفلاحون الحائزون لتلك الاراضى برفع إشكالات تنفيذ إمام محكمة القيم العليا فى الدعاوى 75،76 قيم عليا – محدد لنظرها جلسة 24/2/2007 والمقرر قانونا أن إشكالات التنفيذ ترجى للتنفيذ الحكم حتى الفصل فيها ولكن ذللك لم يمنع ورثة الاقطاعين القدامى بالتعاون مع هئية الإصلاح الزراعي والجهات التنفيذية من السعى التنفيذ الجبري على 4 قطع جديدة بزمام دكرنس هو الأمر الذي يهدد بتجدد أضربات وأعمال عنف لا يعلم مداها غير الله The peasants holders of those territories to lift problematic implementation of the values to the Supreme Court in proceedings 75.76 high values - specifically 24/2/2007 meeting for consideration and decision legally problematic Terje implementation of the execution of the sentence until adjudication, but did not prevent adverse heirs Alaktain veterans cooperation with tribunal agrarian reform and the implementation of operational quest forced to cut 4 Address is a new charge which threatens renewed Adharbat and acts of violence did not know the range of non-God وتأتى تلك الإحداث فى إطار سياسة الانحياز لكبار الراسمالين وملاك الاراضى ضد الفقراء والبسطاء من العمال والفلاحين ومحاولة سلب كل المكتسبات التى حصلو عليها ، تتم تلك الاجراءت في إطار تحرير العلاقات الاقتصادية فى مجال العمل والصحة والإسكان والزراعة Those events come under the policy bias for senior Alrasmalen and landowners against the poor and the ordinary workers, peasants and trying to deprive all gains Hsalo it, those procedures are under the liberalization of economic relations in the area of employment, health, housing and agriculture ما حدث فى سراندو ودكرنس سيحدث فى قرى عديدة اتساقا مع توجة الدولة لخدمة تلك الطبقة ، مستخدمة القهر والتعذيب والقانون فى تجريد البسطاء من اى مكتسبات وتحميلهم فاتورة تحول الدولة للاقتصاديات السوق والانصياع للأوامر صندوق النقد الدولى What happened in Srando and Address will happen in several villages in line with the State tendency to service the class, using coercion and torture and the law in stripping ordinary gains and holding them any bill transformation of the State of market economies and to obey the orders of the International Monetary Fund تضامنوا مع فلاحى دكرنس ضد قوى الإقطاع وسياسات الافقار Address shown solidarity with the farmers against the forces of feudalism and the policies of impoverishment ان ما يحدث هو تهديد خطير للأمن الاجتماعي فى مصر ويتطلب تضافر كافة الشرفاء من الفلاحين والنشطاء فى القضايا الفلاحية والقوى السياسية لوقف هذة الهجمة الشرسة وحماية الحقوق المكتسبة للفلاحين واحترام أحكام القضاء What happens is a serious threat to social security in Egypt and requires concerted all honorable peasants and activists in farming issues and the political forces to stop the vicious attack and protect the acquired rights of the farmers, respect for court rulings
Why give workers Mahala ..... !! ؟؟ ?? تتنوع الاسباب والقهر واحد . Varied reasons and oppression simultaneously
Rising labour movements in the current period, not a day passes without labor movements variations between the strike and picket demonstrated تلك التحركات العمالية تاخذ منحى متصاعد بشكل مستمر يواجة ما يقابلة العمال من مصاعب واهدار للحقوق ،اشكال من القهر المتنوع تواجة الطبقة العاملة ليصبح عمال مصر بين مطرقة الامن والدولة وسنديان الظروف الاقتصادية الصعبة تواجة العمالة حالة من الافقار كمعظم هذا الشعب Those moves unions take an upward trend continuously offset workers facing difficulties and waste of human, diverse forms of oppression facing the working class to become workers between Egypt and the State Security hammer and oak forest difficult economic conditions facing the employment situation of impoverishment like most people ولكن الذى يزيد الامر صعوبة هو ان العمال مهددين فى ارزاقهم لقمة العيش فى ظل سياسة البيع، المصانع تباع وتصفى وتخصص وتخرب من قبل الفساد وحكومة مبارك تفرط فى كل شى، المصانع التى بنيت من عرق وكدح عمال مصر تباع ولا احد يسال لماذا تباع وبكم و لمن تباع واين تذهب ايرادات البيع . But what makes matters difficult is that the workers threatened their livelihoods in their living under the policy of sale, sold plants and settles allocated and spoil by corruption and excessive government Mubarak in all, the factories built by the sweat of workers Drudgery Egypt sold and no one asks why you sold, and those who Where to go sold and sales revenues. اضرب عمال المحلة وكتبت عنهم صحف كثيرة ولكن لم تقل كل شى بطبيعة الحال فغابت اشياء كثيرة Workers strike area and many newspapers wrote about them, but did not say everything naturally Fgapt many things ان تتحدث عن حدث او ظاهرة شى وان تكون جزء منها وتشهدها شى اخر The talk about an event or a phenomenon Shi and be part of it and witnessed another Chi ولنبدا من الحدث بدا عمال المحلة اضراب عام عن العمل واعتصمو فى مبنى الشركة بدا من صباح الخميس7 ديسمبر ب10 الالف عامل ثم سرعان ما شمل Let's start of the event Mahala workers began a general strike on the work and Atsamu in building the company began Thursday morning from December 7 to 10 thousand workers and then quickly covered الاضراب كل عمال الشركة ، اتى يوم الخميس بعد اسبوع من امتناع العمال عن صرف مرتباتهم وذللك احتجاجا على عدم صرف مستحقاتهم والتى قدرت بشهرين طبقا لقرار رئيس الوزراء بقرار رقم 467 لسنة 2006 واستمر الاضراب لمدة ثلاثة ايام رغم كل التصريحات التى خرجت عن مسؤلى العمال التنظيم النقابى الحكومى الاصفر وممثلة حسين مجاور خرج علينا بتصريحات تتحدث عن ان ارباح العمال المصروفة لهم خلال الفترة الاخيرة تصل ثلاثة اشهر " بالبلدى كدة بيعلن ان العمال طمعين وولاد ...ميملاش عينهم غير التراب " ولم ينسى ان يطالبهم بضبط النفس وانهاء الاعتصام حفاظا على الاستقرار - ولعل عبارتة حفاظا على الاستقرار تذكرنى بالهدف القومى وهو الحفاظ على الاستقرار والتى كثيرا ما تثير اهتمامى؟؟ Workers strike each company, on Thursday came after a week of workers with the payment of salaries and adverse protest the failure to pay dues, which were estimated at two months according to the Prime Minister's decision No. 467 2006 and continued to strike for three days in spite of all the statements that emerged from the officers Workers Organize government Yellow Hussein and his neighbour left us talking about statements that the workers spent their profits during the last three months up "like these Abieln workers Tmain and Ulad ... Mimlash appointed non-soil" and had forgotten that the UN restraint and end the sit-in order to maintain the stability - and perhaps his preserve national stability Remember goal is to maintain stability, which often raise my interest?? اعرف ان الدول تسعى الى النمو التطور اما ان يظل الاستقرار هو الهدف الاسمى للقيادة الرشيدة فان ذلك امرلا يطاق - اكملت عائشة عبد الهادى رسم صورة لتوجهات الحكومة فييما يخص العمال حيث صرحت بان الحكومة موافقة على صرف 21 يوم فقد اما باقى احهزة الدولة فانتو تعرفون اين اماكنهم فعربات الامن تحاصر الشركة والمنطقة المجاورة لها لتتحول المحلة الى سكنة عسكرية ويبدو المشهد كما انة مشهد تحرير لمنطقة مستعمرة . I know that the growth development seeks to either remain stability is the ultimate goal of good leadership, that sand unbearable - completed Aisha Abdel Hadi draw a picture of the directions for the government Vema where workers stated that the Government approve the disbursement of 21 on the rest of the devices State Fantu know where their places Fhrb besieging security company and the surrounding area have turned to Mahala inhabited by military and the scene appears as a scene that the liberation of the colony. بدا الاضراب بخروج العمال من العنابر الوردية اليلية والتى بقيت و انضمت اليها الوردية الصباحية ، بدا الاضراب وسرعان ما اشترك فية كل العمال وعندما منعو نساء المصنع من الانضمام الى زملائهم صعدت العاملات الى سطح المصنع وهدد بعضهم بالانتحار ان لم يتم فتح باب المصنع والسماح لهم بالمشاركة فى الاعتصام، بدا العمال فى الطرق على بعض براميل كانت متواجدة فى المصنع حوش وطرقات المصنع بدو التظاهر والهتاف ضد الجبالى رئيس الشركة وضد الخصخصة وضد الفقر رددو هتاف "هما ياكل حمام وفراخ واحنا الجوع جوعنا وداخ" و" يا جبالى يا جبالى يا حرامى - يا ادارة يا ادارة الجبالى بنى عمارة - مشيرين الى النعش الذى حملوة وكان يمثل النقابة والجبالى" الميت اهو والحرامى اهو " Workers began the strike exit from the wards pink Massage that has remained, joined by pink morning, the strike soon, in which all the workers and the factory when Mnao women from joining their colleagues climbed to the roof of the factory workers, some of whom threatened to commit suicide if not reopen the plant and allow them to participate in the picketing, the workers in the road on some drums were present in the factory yard and alleys factory Bedouins demonstrations and slogans against Jabali Chairman of the company and against privatization and against poverty Rddo CHANTS "are eating bath and chicks and hunger and hunger, we learn," and "O O Jabali Jabali any thief - any management O management Jabali built architecture - pointing to the casket, which was sent with him and the union representing Jabali "Dead Aho and Aharami Aho" صنعو دمية ترمز الى الجبالى رئيس مجلس الادارة رفض عامل حرقها واشارالى ا Snao effigy symbolizes Jabali President of the Governing Council refused factor posing a burn and لشباب الى ان تشنق افضل خوفا من ان تحدث حرائق Youth that the best Chnk fear that fires occur فى اليوم الثانى استمرت الاوضاع ولم يتراجع العمال رغم التصريحات والتهديدات ورغم وعود الحكومة والتى لم تتعدى وعود بصرف 21 يوم طبقا للقرار رقم 122 لسنة 1984 ورفض العمال وعود الحكومة ليستمر ااضراب العمال متحدين الامن واجهزتة والحشود التى حولت سور الشركة الى اللون الاسود من حشود الامن المركزى On the second day continued the conditions of workers did not back down despite statements and threats and despite the promises of the government and not only promises regardless 21 122 1984 and the refusal of workers and the government promises to continue Aadharab workers united Security and its crowd and transferred to the company SUR blackness of the Central Security Crowds تم تهديد قيادات الاضراب ومحاولة اخافتهم ولكن كان واضحا للجميع ان هذا الاضراب عفوى لم يكن وراة اى قوى سياسية Been threatened strike leaders and trying to frighten, but it was clear to all that this spontaneous strike was not spotted any political forces راحت تصدر البيانات من مركز الارض ومركز الخدمات النقابية ومركز افاق اشتراكية وحزب التجمع وقدم الاخوان المسلمين ونائبهم سعد الحسينى طلب احاطة بل ان بعض النواب من الحزب الوطنى قدمو طلبات احاطة She published data from the Earth Centre and Service Centre Association and the Centre for the prospects for socialism and the party assembly and the Muslim Brotherhood and deputy Saad al-Husseini briefing, but asked that some deputies from the National Democratic Party tried QUERIES ولكن بقيت ارادة العمال وعفويتهم بعيدة عن اى قوى سياسية . But workers will remain Afoithm and far from any political forces. واستمر الاضراب لثالث يوم ومازال الحصار باقى ومازال العمال معتصمين كانت هناك عاملات تذهب لتحضر اطعمة لزملاءهم يرجعن العاملات بالطعام ويحضرون اطفالهم معهم ، وكان اليوم الثالث للاضراب بمشاركة عمال المصنع اضافة الى اطفال بعض العاملات والعمال The strike continued for the third day still siege and the rest still Matsamin workers there were workers going to attend foods workers went back to their food and their children attending them, and the third day of the strike participation of the factory workers in addition to the children of some women workers اغلقت الادارة الحضانة اثناء الاضراب لتسبب حالة من القلق للعاملات ولكن لم يحدث ما ارادو واثبت عاملات مصنع غزل المحلة قدر من الصلابة غير المتناهى تحدثك عاملة تخطت الخمسين من العمر فتقول " انا مش متحركة من هنا الا لمى ناخد حقنا والشركة دى شركتنا لا حد هيخربها من العمال ولاة هيخربها هما اللى بيخربو ها مش العمال " Administration nursery closed during the strike to cause a state of concern to the workers but not the Israelis and proved spinning factory workers Mahala degree of firmness-talk extreme working surpassed year-old says, "I am not moving from here only Luma smoke our company and our company is a de Hikrabha workers Hikrabha governors who are not here Bejrbo workers " وعامل اخر يقول" احنا حياتنا كلها بالقسط وحتى فلوسنا مش عاوزين يدوهلنا مش كفاية الغلا اللى احنا فية " The other factor, he says, "we are all a matter of life and so I do not want to buy Idohlna not insufficient yields that we therein" واخرين يتحدثون عن الفساد والادارة , And others are talking about corruption and management كان البعض يتصور ان عمال غزل المحلة بعد اضراب 1986 ماتت ولن يتحرك عمالها مرة اخرى كان يرى الامن ذلك وكان يرها البعض من يقولون ان العمال لن يتحركو فى الدفاع عن حقوقهم ولكن اثبت الاضراب مدى وعى العمال وقدرتهم على التنظيم الذاتى والمطالبة بحقوقهم مدركين ان الحقوق تنتزع لا تمنح Some imagine that workers spinning Mahala 1986 died after the strike will not move its workers again he saw that security had seen some say that the workers would not Ithrko to defend their rights, but the strike proved the awareness of workers and their ability to self-regulation and claim their rights unaware that the rights do not Strips grant كانت دوما شركة غزل المحلة مصر ومنذ انشاها فى عام 1928 ارض خصبة للاحتجاجات العمال ومطالبتهم بحقوقهم فى قطاع الغزل والنسيج والذى يستوعب اكثر من ثلث العمالة فى مصر وهو ايضا القطاع الذى يتعرض فية العمال لظروف وشروط عمل صعبة شركة غزل المحلة من كبرى شركات الغزل التى تكررت فيها تحركات العمال واضرباتهم للمطالبة بتحسين ظروف وشروط العمل على سبيل المثال كان هناك اضراب عام 1947 واضراب 1975 الاصلاح الوظيفى واضراب و1986و1985 وتنوعت المطالب من مطالب متعلقة بصرف مستحقات الشركة من الخطة والمطالبة بيوم الاجازة الجمعة ومرة للمطالبة باصلاح وظيفى واضراب اخر مطالب ببدل وجبة للعمال كان ابطالها قيادات عمالية اسموههم العمال العشرة المبشرين بالجنة منهم حمدى حسين ،على مدكور ، شوقى الشيخ، ومحمد الشيخ ومن قبلهم قيادات عمالية اخرى كطة سعد عثمان ومحمد شطا وفتحى عبد الحميد ومحمد الغمرينى ومن قبلهم البقرى والخميسى ومنذا 18 عام وغزل المحلة هادئة حتى اتى اضراب ديسمبر عام 2006 والذى لم يكن سببة عدم صرف الشهرين المستحقين للعمال فحسب ولكن كان نتاج تراكم من الضغوط الممارسة على العمال منها تدنى اجور العمال فى مصانع شركة غزل مصر بتنوع مصانعها اضافة الى تهاللك مكينات الانتاج وتعمد افساد الشركة وافشالها ودخول العمولات والرشاوى وزيادة نسبة الفقد من المنتج اضافة الى الخسائر المتتالية للشركة والتى تنفذ بشكل مدروس يتورط فيها ورئيس مجلس ا دارة الشركة ونقابة المصنع . The company always spinning Mahala Egypt Since established in 1928 in the fertile ground for protests by workers and demanding their rights in the textile sector, which absorbs more than a third of employment in Egypt, who is also the sector in which workers exposed to the circumstances and conditions of work difficult Spinning Company Mahala big spinning repeated the Adharbathm movement of workers and to demand better conditions and terms of employment, for example there was a strike in 1947 1975 1986 1985 and diversified demands of demands related to the company benefits regardless of the plan and claim Day holiday on Friday, and once to demand reform and job demands and strike another meal allowance for workers was avoided union leaders Asmoham workers ten missionaries heaven them Hamdi Hussein, the Authority, Shawki Al-Sheikh, Mohammed Sheikh and other union leaders before Kth Saad Othman Mohammed Shata and Fathi Abdul Hamid Mohamed Algmareni is before them, bovine and Khamisi and strong 18 year Spinning Mahala calm until the strike came in December 2006, which has not not caused by failure to pay two months of the eligible workers, but was a product of the accumulation of pressure on the workers, including low wages of workers in the company factories spinning Egypt in addition to the diversity of its plants Thallk Machinery production, deliberately spoiling the company and frustrated and the entry of commissions and bribes and increase the proportion of loss of the product in addition to the consecutive losses of the company and carried out deliberate involving Chairman of the Board of the company and the home of a union plant. فعندما يكون تولى المناصب احد شروطة رضى رئيس مجلس الادارة لابد ان يحتج العمال وعندما يقوم الجبالى بتخصص ثلاث عربات لتنقلات ابناءة وعين ابنتة البالغة من العمر 24 عام مديرة لقسم التسويق بلشركة( وهى اكير واعرق شركات الغزل واقدمها فى الشرق الاوسط ) فلابد ان يعترض العمال عندما تزور ارادة العمال وينقل العمال ويمنعو من خوض انتخابتهم لابد ان يعترض العمال When one of the positions conditions blessings President of the Governing Council must be invoked when the workers and Jabali specialization three carriages of the movements of his sons and daughter appointed 24 year-old director of the Marketing Department Bcharkh (an Rica, the oldest textile companies and the oldest in the Middle East), he should be opposed when visiting workers The workers will transfer workers and Emenao contest Antkhabthm must oppose workers اضافة الى المخاطر المهنية التنى يتعرض لها العمال فخلال الست شهور الماضية انفجرت غلاية بالمصنع وانفجرت ايضا انوبة بوتجاز فى مظهر سافر للاهمال فيما يخص الامن والسلامة المهنية In addition to occupational hazards ELTINAY exposed workers During the past six months the factory boiler exploded and burst Anoppe Buszaz also in the appearance of blatant negligence with regard to security and occupational safety فعامل غزل المحل يقوم فى بعض الاحيان بتشغيل اكثر من خمس ماكينات ، اضافة الى الخصومات المتتالية على عمال المصنع وقلة الاجوار ناهيك عن قلة المبلغ الذى يتقاضة العامل كمعاش والذى يسمى تكافل كما يعانى عمال المصنع من عدم الاخذ فى الاعتبار المؤهل عند التعين Factor yarn shop is sometimes run more than five machines, in addition to discounts successive plant workers and a few neighbors let alone the lack amount pay pensions group, which called Takaful factory workers are also suffering from not taking into account the qualification when Recruitment عمال غزل المحلة يعملون فى ظل ظروف غاية فى الصعوبة الاهمال نصيبه فلا تقدم الخدمات الصحية للعمال فمستشفى ام المصرين التابعة للشركة مثال لللاهمال لا رعاية صحية ولاة اهتمام بصحةة العمال فى صناعة من ا كثر الصناعت خطرا حيث تنشر فيها امراض الصدر والعيون Spinning Mahala workers are working under very difficult circumstances neglect share not provide health services to workers or Haj Hospital of the company is an example of Lihamal health care and the attention of rulers Beshah workers in the industry Alsnaat much of a threat as published by the chest and eye diseases كانت هتافات العمال واحاديثهم افضل معبر عن احوال الشركة واحوال العمال الذين يعشون معاناة من جراء ووسؤ ظروف العمل فى الشركة وغلاء المعيشة The workers chanted and conversations best expression of the company's conditions and the conditions of workers who Iehun suffering as a result of advice and working conditions at the company and the cost of living تميز الاضراب الاخير بان قيادتة شابة وغير مسيسة لا تنتمى لاى تيار سياسى كما كان اضراب غزل المحلة اضرابا مطلبى متعلق بحق من حقوق الاعمال الا وهو حقهم فى المكافاة المترتب على حقهم فى مكاسب الشركةالتى حققها العمال . Distinguish the strike last that his young, non-politicized does not belong to any political trend as a strike Spinning Mahala strike demands on the right of human actions, namely their right to reward their impact on the gains achieved Acharkhalti workers. ستستمر التحركات العمالية فى مصانع مصر وخاصة فى ظل توجة الدولة الى بيع القطاع العام وخصخصتة او تحويلة الى قطاع اعمال عام تمهيدا لبيعة او تصفيتة والذى يتاتى مع تللك السياسة انخفاض الاجور والانقضاض على حقوقهم من حوافز وبدلات ومكافات ولعل الامثلة واضحة فشركة النصر تم تصفيتها لتنخسر شركة من اهم الشركات فى قطاع الانتاج الهندسى وشركة تليمصر فى ذات القطاع تم بيعها والانقضاض على حقوق عمالها وهى فى طريقها الى التصفية وغيرها الكثير كمصنع البطاريات Labour movements in Egypt and factories, especially in light directed the state to sell the public sector and privatized or transferred to the business sector in preparation for sale or liquidated, which comes with Tllk policy of low wages and jump the rights of incentives and allowances and bonuses Perhaps examples and clear victory company was liquidated for Tnkhosr company the most important companies in the production sector and the engineering company Talimsr in the same sector was sold and the rights of workers to jump on the way to liquidation and many other Vegas batteries ستتسمر اضربات العمال واحتجاتهم ضد التشريد والتعسف والقهر الذى تمارسة الدولة لتحرم العمال من لقمة العيش والعمل وتنسحب من مسؤليتها فى التصنيع لتترك السوق لشركات اخرى مللك لكبار رجال الاعمال او لللشركات متعددة الجنسيات وعابرة للقارات يستمر النظام فى الخصخصة تارك العمال فريسة للفقر وتارك المستهللك فريسة للشركات التابعة لكبار رجال اعمال شركاء الطغمة الحاكمة فى قهر الشعب تتنوع الاساليب ولكن القهر واحد . Sttzmr Adharbat workers and Ahtjathm against displacement and abuse and oppression by the State to deprive workers of their living and working and withdraw from Mselitha in manufacturing leaving the market to other companies Mellk of senior businessmen or Charkat multinational and intercontinental missiles continue the one who does not in the privatization of workers into poverty and one who does not Almsthllk prey to the affiliates for senior businessmen partners junta in oppressing people whose methods and oppression but one.